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On Saturday December 17, 2016, Tunisia celebrated the six year anniversary of the Jasmine Revolution which was sparked off by the self-immolation of Bouazizi that started in Sidi Bouzid, a small town in the center of the country. The revo¬lution in Tunisia led to a regional wave of uprisings spreading rapidly to Egypt, Algeria, Libya, Yemen, Jordan and Syria. For over half a century, Tunisia lived under a dictatorial re¬gime with a single powerful political party. The other par¬ties, allowed in-between, had no power, being restricted in their movements and actions and only served to make the world believe that Tunisia was indeed democratic, as daily reported by Ben Ali’s media. Since the independence of their country from colonial rule in 1956 Tunisia sustained major progress in relation to women’s access to health and education services and the labor market; maternal mortality and fertility rates were halved, girls’ enrolment in secondary school more than doubled and women were increasingly in paid employment. Moreover, despite the limited democratic space, the number of women in government grew significantly and women’s organizations began to play a role in shaping social and political transformation. This paper argues that women’s empowerment in Tunisia is largely rooted in the particular features of the elite post-independence bargain, early political choices regarding state–society relations and the associated policies in the areas of education, health and labor, which increased women’s access to resources. It also highlights the interaction between changes in law, policies promoting gender equality and women’s capacity to mobilize. Women’s increasing individual and collective agency in both the public and private spheres explains the existence of opportunities to consolidate women’s empowerment in contemporary Tunisia. Cumulative change in different spheres has been mutually reinforcing, and may also have created resilience regarding potential reversals associated with the political changes brought about by the ‘Arab Spring’. Tunisia’s progress in women’s empowerment provides valuable lessons on how women can obtain access to new resources and the way in which politics and power, and the struggles, dynamics and contestation that these generate can be used to challenge gender and social power relations. It demonstrates the importance of locating political paths of change – such as processes of women’s empowerment – in the context of wider political settlements.
University of Oregon
Body and Gender Politics In Post Uprising Tunisia By Farah Samti2019 •
"Focusing on the context of post-uprising Tunisia and using a gender lens, I explore gender and body politics through embodied social protest. I examine the post-uprising constitutional and decision-making processes as well as discursive representations in the Constitution and the role of protesting and legitimacy in shaping institutional tools and mechanisms. I draw attention to the status of women and the LGBTQI++ community as well as vulnerable individuals and their role in social change during the country’s democratic transition by analyzing narratives and discourses around protesting and bodily rights and themes such as legibility/illegibility. I complement my analysis with three qualitative, in-depth interviews with three Tunisian activists; I also reflect on my personal experience as a former reporter and student-activist during and post uprisings. I conclude that the emergence of new forms of mobilization and discourses create unique possibilities to negotiate power and gender norms."
Hate Speech International
Defusing the ticking “Jihadist” time-bomb: Can Transitional justice help counter the radicalization trend in Tunisia?Following the “Jasmine Revolution” in 2011, Tunisia held free and fair elections, rati ed a new constitution and established new democratic institutions. As other post Arab Spring societies struggled to overcome varying legacies of divisive con ict, weakened economies and ine ectual state institutions, Tunisia was hailed as a thriving democratic model for the Arab world. Tunisia has initiated a transitional justice process which has been supported and implemented by successive governments since Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power in 2011. The transitional justice process aims to support Tunisia’s transition towards democracy by providing mechanisms to redress grievances and human rights abuses carried out under the Ben Ali and Habib Bourguiba regimes. The Truth and Dignity Commission (TDC) was established in 2014 and since late 2016, several public hearing sessions have been held where victims have given testimonials describing the atrocities committed against them by the various security apparatuses of the former regimes. Other public hearings have focused on nancial corruption under the Ben Ali regime. Yet despite Tunisia’s democratic successes, the country has become the largest single source of foreign jihadists ghting for the Islamic State (ISIS) in Syria, Iraq and Libya, while several high pro le terrorist attacks have rocked Tunisia in recent years.
This article explores some facets of the relation between Tunisia's post-independence political bequeathals and the legacy of a political memory that, today, is being sabotaged and rendered fugitive, not least through the acts of terror that have recently hit the country and crippled its tourist economy. Arguing that Tunisia's democratic trajectories are at stake today and risk being " orphaned " of their history of reformist precedents accrued over the past one hundred and fifty years, the author reflects on the current political state of play in Tunisia and makes a case for a restored dialectic of interchange with specific luminary tenets of Tunisia's late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century enlightenment movement. The engendering of political subjectivities in post-revolutionary Tunisia and the piecing together of its multi-faceted national imaginary require today what Balibar would term a «differentiation» of the change towards a non-despotic democratisation brought about in 2011.
Yıldız Social Science Review
AN ANALYSIS OF TURKISH-TUNISIAN RELATIONS IN LIGHT OF ARAB SPRING2018 •
International Journal of Business and Social Science
Arab Spring and the Theory of Relative Deprivation2017 •
2014 •
2016 •
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
« Tunisia: “Unemployment has killed me», Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy, May 20172017 •
Middle East Law and Governance, 3
The Making of a Revolution in Tunisia2011 •
Summary Report 16
Transitional Justice in the Middle East and North Africa2019 •
VUNA JOURNAL OF HISTORY & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS VOL. 2 NO. 2,
THE ARAB SPRING: A REVOLUTION IN FUTILITY?2015 •
Feminist Movements and the Arab Spring, Case Study: Egypt& Tunisia
FEMINIST MOVEMENTS AND THE ARAB SPRING.docx2019 •
Studies in Symbolic Interaction, 43
Studies in Symbolic Interaction, 43: Mutable selves and digital reflexivities: Social media for social change in the Middle East and North Africa2014 •
The role of emotions during the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in light of repertoires
The role of emotions during the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in light of repertoires2019 •